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Briefing Paper Series |
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Bernt Pölling-Vocke (bernty@gmx.com) |
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Master of International Relations |
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Victoria University, Wellington, New Zealand |
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| Discuss the tension between state-making and liberal self-making. | ||
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Taking
the make-up of our contemporary world into nation-states as a given and
as an equally reasonable means of international organization, those
controlling these nation states, whether democratically elected or not,
face the task of turning their part of the globe into a cohesive unit.
In the past, or in selected cases in contemporary world affairs, Myanmar
or North Korea to name two, this task has been considerably easier than
in today’s first or somewhat openly globalized world. Brute force,
discrimination, forced isolation and propaganda have proven valuable in
the process of state-making, whereas advocates of liberalism generally
prefer as little state as possible in as many aspects of life as
suitable. Even though the past or contemporary isolated, uncloaked
process of state-making by oppression or propaganda appears questionable
by outside standards, numerous people in Pyongyang actually believe that
the outside-world is cruel, Kim Jong Il a respectable fellow and fate
kind, as there are many worse places in the world to reside than North
Korea. Cohesive state-making is relatively easy if you choose the North
Korean way and have the luxury of uninformed and oppressed customers,
your people. All 22 millions, or 19 million if famine strikes again, of
them might be individuals, but considering the task of state-making at
hand, it helps that they do not happen to be individuated individuals,
the product of liberal self-making. Liberal
self-making poses a challenge for those trying to succeed with
state-making. “Sovereign selfs”, the products of liberal self-making,
tend to emancipate themselves from society, favour self-realization over
the realization of anything else, wish to maximise themselves and, to
make matters worse, feel relatively autonomous with regard to their
surrounding society. If you wish to create a state with millions of such
customers, the marketing effort required to create the common, shared
identity of a state becomes challenging, especially as these customers
appear to spend their whole life calculating. If everybody is munching
over endless options and choices, believes in corresponding interstate
interdependence and reciprocity in the name of internationalism and
recognizes the maximisation of his, or his families, personal benefits
as an end in itself, a state might become an annoying appendage.
State-making just happens to be easier outside binding,
fully-appreciated frameworks such as the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights or the International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights or Civil and Political Rights. Nevertheless,
the task of state-making is of tremendous importance, as states have
proven valuable as feasible means to structure the world and offer
regional governance. It seems questionable that an anarchic world made
up out of six billions individuated individuals without overarching
states, offering governance, public goods such as education or health
services or social services, would be a pleasant world to reside on,
just as some end-results of the process of state-making, North Korea
once again comes to mind, appear of equally inferior quality.
Nevertheless, critics claim that state-leaders just devote time and
energy into the process of state-making as long as it suits elitist
interests. Supposingly, state-leading is not about a state’s people,
as it ought to be, but about the interests of those at the top. If
1.734+ young soldiers from overwhelmingly poor families die in a war
that should have never been and the only benefiting parties seem to be
the Commander in Chief’s friends, state-making becomes an acrobatic
manoeuvre, but proves nevertheless that even individuated individuals
can collectively “reason” and calculate in ways supporting elitist
interests. State-making in the face of liberalized individuals is the
continuous task of influencing the equations, so that the calculated
conclusions become what they ought to become. But
how can you convince Heinz Krümel, a small-scale farmer close to the
German-Czech.
border, that he is “closer”, identity-wise, to Josef
Ackermann, the CEO of the Deutsche Bank, than to Wojciech
Jastrzebowski, another small-scale farmer just across the
border, residing a mere 723 meters to the East? Education
is a key, as both Heinz and Josef learned about their shared ancestors,
the country’s World Cup of Soccer heroes in 1954 and much alike. Heinz
and Josef also share a language, even though they would have little to
say to each other and theoretically communicate in relatively
unintelligible dialects. It does not help that Heinz just knows about
cows and crops and Josef knows equally much about Boston Consulting’s
Cash Cows and layoffs. Wojciech would be a better pal for Heinz, but
unfortunately, Wojciech identifies more with Pavel Nedved, the Czech
football superstar, than with Heinz. Pavel does not know about cows
either (I assume), but if Pavel heads for the German goal during the
next World Cup of Soccer, it is “us” (Heinz and Josef) vs.
“them” (Wojciech
Jastrzebowski and all his friends whose names you cannot
pronounce anyway). At that stage, state-making has succeeded, even
though its artificiality is appalling. Of course, all three, Heinz,
Josef and Wojciech, happen to be individuated individuals, but through
the well-oiled machinery of media-control, shared education and other
means, the individuals can be incorporated into the increasingly tenuous
structure of a man-made states, which’s borders have often been drawn
quite arbitrarily. The task of controlled identity-building in the case
of those three is more challenging than in North Korea, where Wojciech
would be drilled and forced to worship the North-Korean equivalent of
Pavel Nedved, whereas our Czech. Republic’s Wojciech could make a free
choice to cheer for Germany’s Jan Ullrich during this year’s Tour de
France and celebrate a potential tour win with his German neighbour.
Hopefully, both learned English at school in order to overcome
international communicative barriers.
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